Wednesday, 12 February 2025

KUNLUN - NAME GIVEN BY THE CHINESE FOR THOSE SAILORS FROM SE ASIA

SOURCE: SUNGAI BATU 788 BC: THE GREAT KINGDOM OF KEDAH TUA

Kunlun is the name given by the Chinese for those sailors and traders that came from South East Asia and Malay Archipelago particularly. Most of records pertaining Kunlun were obtained during Tang Dynasty (618 - 906 AD) and pre and post of Tang era . Kunlun have craft their name in history as great sailor. Their ships were bigger than others in Guangzhou port. And they gained special attention from port authorithy and even the China Palace appointed the Malay - Kunlun as port agent to take charge of the ships that came from Kunlun region, which is Southeast Asia.
However , it was very difficult to point out the exact region and ethnic the Kunlun people belongs to due to too many description given in the account of Chinese official and explorer.
Anyway, in this posting, we will bring the findings and establish a logical deduction based on four papers by the researchers and scholars. Therefore we will bring the most similar points brought by those researchers.
Kunlun people was characterised with wavy hair and dark skin. During Srivijaya era, they were the people that frequently mentioned in Chinese records in regards of their maritime expert about vessel, skills and navigation. There were sculptures that resembling them kept by museum.
Despite their wide dispersity in Southeast Asia according to China records, most researchers agrees that the Malay region including southern Thailand, the east shore of Sumatera and Malay Peninsula that facing Kalah Bar Sea (Straits of Malacca) were their native place. In one record says that a country by the name Chitu was a place that indicate the people of Kunlun. Synonimously, "Chih Tu" was ancient kingdom in Kelantan. In another record says, that the Persian frequently travel to Kunlun to find gold. The researcher wrotes, Kunlun was a place in Malay Peninsula. Malay Peninsular and neighbouring island was gold rich area country.
Among other places that indicates the presence of Kunlun were Lankasuka, Gantang, Champa, Pan-pan, Watubela and Ceram ( Batubelah ? and Jeram ?)
Kunlun people have the ability to dive and stay under the water for longer than normal people. In fact, we still can find these attributes at those tribes who lives at the shore of East Sumatera and Sabah too. Kunluns were good sailor and shipbuilder. "Kunlun Bo" was a term used to refer to vessel built by Kunlun or belong to Kunlun or sailed by Kunlun or the cargo and goods from Kunlun territory.
To avoid confusion, some China sources wrote about Kunlun slaves. These were actually referred to black skin people. They were the east coast African people brought to China by the Arabs. In some China account, Kunlun simply referred to non-Chinese people who are darker than Chinese Han. In this context, we are not discussing about kunlun slave since they came from different region and function.
I-Tsing (635-713 AD) the Buddhist Monk who lives during Tang Dynasty wrotes in "A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago", the Kunlun people are described as having "wavy hair and dark skin".
The "Kunlun Kingdom" that is engraved in the silver case could well refer to Srivijaya. (see pics)
While recounting his pilgrimage to India in 671 AD, I-Tsing claims to have stayed at Srivijaya for six months. He described it as a well-established kingdom and a renowned centre of Buddhist learning. I-Tsing strongly voiced his opinion that it was necessary to study Buddhist doctrines and Sanskrit whilst staying in Srivijaya.
Then he claimed that he was on board of Kunlun ship travel along the Malacca Straits from Palembang, in Sumatera, stop by at Kalah, Kedah Tua and continue the voyage to port in India before reach Nalanda, the Buddhist learning institute.
Prior to I-Tsing, another Chinese Buddhist monk, Fa Xian who visited India some time in the early fifth century and returned from India to China via the Malacca Strait, was able to obtain direct passage from Sumatra to Guangzhou.
Kunlun was referred to people or region. In other hand, Kunlun Bo referred to ship that built or sailed by Kunlun people. Also mean ship that belong to Kunlun people.
There were many records of Kunlun from Chinese official and explorer. We can't list down all the names and details which make this entry long-winded.
We would like to bring a simple analogy. In present day, Iban people are one of the ethnic lives in Sarawak. But when we look at the people who works on oil platform, exploration rig, barge in Sarawak water, mostly they are Iban people, even though there are many other ethnic in Sarawak.They are the dominant workforce in O&G industry of Sarawak.
Therefore, we can speculate that among the Malays in Peninsula and Sumatera during Srivijaya time, the so-called Kunlun ethnic were dominant in seafaring and maritime.
Their attribute were wavy hair, dark skin, maritime, scattered around Malay Archipelago, wearing sarong that flip up to the waist.
We will discuss more in next posting the roles of Kunlun maritime expertise in Srivijaya Kingdom and how they facilitating the trades between west and east.
Sources:-
- Kunlun and Kunlun Slaves as Buddhists in the Eyes of the Tang Chinese. Kang Heejung. Sogang University, Seoul, Korea. 2015.
- Chinese Muslims and the Conversion of the Nusantara to Islam. Alexander David Robert Wain. St. Catherine’s College, University of Oxford. 2015.
- Sino-Malay Trade and Diplomacy from the Tenth through the Fourteenth Century (Sino - Malay Interaction in the First Millennium AD).
Derek Heng. Northern Arizona University. January 2009
- The Magical Kunlun and “Devil Slaves”: Chinese Perceptions of Dark-skinned People and Africa before 1500.
Julie Wilensky. Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania.

Copy and paste:
12.2.2025 : 10. 24 pm

Seribu Alter Terahsia Buat Sebuah Kemelayuan

Oleh Srikandi
24 January 2023

Jika meneliti topik Alam Melayu/Dunia Melayu (Malay World) atau Kemelayuan (Malayness) kita akan menemui banyak fakta menarik. Betapa sebenarnya kebudayaan dan identiti Melayu disebarkan oleh Orang Laut sebagai salah satu suku Melayu Asli dan para pedagang Melayu di seluruh Asia Tenggara suatu ketika dahulu.
Ada satu tulisan yang menyatakan jika orang Melayu tidak berpuashati dengan rajanya, mereka akan bungkus barang-barang dan naik ke perahu; berlayar ke kerajaan lain. Raja Melayu pula jika ada bencana, wabak atau kalah perang, akan berundur ke tempat lain bina kerajaan lain. Tetap BERKERAJAAN.
Kerajaan demi kerajaan sehingga mencapai ALAM MELAYU.
Perahu-perahu Melayu berlayar dan berhenti di mana-mana pesisir dan bina pelabuhan. Setiap pelabuhan mereka di sekitar Selat Melaka pula selalu menjadi tumpuan. Antara puncanya ialah layanan baik pentadbir Melayu yang menyediakan persekitaran serta kemudahan yang selesa kepada para pedagang tempatan dan asing.
Di mana-mana pelabuhan seluruh kepulauan Melayu, orang Melayulah yang menguruskan pelabuhan sehingga maju. Campak saja di mana-mana, ibarat benih yang subur - dari Laut Banda sampailah ke pantai timur Benua India, orang Melayu telah membentuk koloni-koloni mereka keluar daripada tanahair mereka untuk mengurus dan menyelia pelabuhan-pelabuhan. Orang Melayu bukan sekadar 'seafarers' tetapi juga 'sea organizers'.
Jika berbahas tentang negarabangsa, maka orang Melayu di Malaysia adalah tonggak dan teras utama kepada Alam Melayu dan Kemelayuan ini. Tonggak dan teras ini dengan ertikata jika lenyap orang Melayu di Malaysia, maka tempanglah Kemelayuan dan Alam Melayu itu sendiri dengan bersangatan. Tidak dinafikan Brunei sebuah negara dan Kesultanan Melayu yang kaya-raya namun kurang mampan dari segi populasi, wilayah dan kuasa tentera. Malaysia lebih ideal dan seimbang. Orang Melayu di Indonesia, Singapura dan Thailand pula adalah minoriti - kekurangan dari segi kuasa politik dan membuat keputusan.
Namun dari segi BANGSA MELAYU, semua orang Melayu tidak kira di mana di seluruh dunia - yang makan-pakainya Melayu, gerak rasanya Melayu atau mimpinya Melayu itu... adalah penyambung warisan Kemelayuan di Alam Melayu ini.
Maka di tanahair bertuah ini, kita mesti bangkit dengan seribu alter terahsia, menyambung sebuah Kemelayuan sehingga sejuta dasawarsa sekalipun.
~Srikandi
Alter Terahsia Bangsa Melayu IV
*Alter terahsia esok hari terakhir-> http://bit.ly/3ksBKK0
Kredit: Melissa Suraya Ismail / TRP (Map of The Malay World/Textile/John Ang)

Copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 10.19 p.m

KESULTANAN MELAKA: IBU KOTA EMPAYAR MARITIM NUSANTARA

Sumber: KISAH & SEJARAH
Posted by: Patih Karma Wijaya
10 Februari 2025

MasyaAllah! Sejarah Kesultanan Melaka adalah lambang kegemilangan tamadun Melayu yang pernah menjadi kuasa besar dunia. Terletak di tengah-tengah laluan perdagangan terpenting di dunia, Selat Melaka, kesultanan ini bukan sekadar sebuah kerajaan tetapi sebuah pusat ekonomi, diplomasi, dan kebudayaan yang menghubungkan dunia Timur dan Barat. Dengan kebijaksanaan pemimpin dan kehebatan rakyatnya, Melaka mencipta nama sebagai empayar maritim terkuat di Nusantara, yang terus dikenang hingga hari ini.
Kesultanan Melaka diasaskan oleh Parameswara sekitar tahun 1400. Dalam tempoh masa yang singkat, Melaka berkembang menjadi kuasa besar kerana lokasinya yang strategik. Selat Melaka bukan sahaja menjadi laluan kapal dagang tetapi juga pintu masuk kepada ekonomi global. MasyaAllah, kepintaran pemimpin Melaka dalam memahami geopolitik dan ekonomi menjadikan negeri ini sebuah pelabuhan entrepot, tempat pertemuan pedagang dari Arab, China, India, Parsi, dan Eropah. Barang dagangan seperti rempah ratus, emas, sutera, porselin, dan tekstil mengalir masuk, menjadikan Melaka nadi perdagangan dunia pada zamannya.
Kehebatan Melaka bukan sahaja terletak pada ekonominya tetapi juga pada pentadbiran dan sistem perundangan yang cemerlang. Undang-Undang Melaka, salah satu dokumen undang-undang tertua di Nusantara, adalah bukti kehebatan bangsa Melayu dalam mengatur kehidupan masyarakat secara teratur. Undang-undang ini menggabungkan hukum adat dan syariah Islam, memberikan keseimbangan antara nilai tradisional dan keagamaan. Sistem pentadbiran Melaka pula sangat teratur, dengan pembahagian tugas yang jelas antara sultan, bendahara, temenggung, dan penghulu bendahari, menjadikan kerajaan ini efisien dan stabil.
Kesultanan Melaka juga unggul dalam bidang diplomasi. Dengan kebijaksanaan pemimpinnya, Melaka menjalin hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan besar seperti Dinasti Ming di China. Hubungan ini bukan sahaja menjamin keselamatan Melaka daripada ancaman luar tetapi juga memperkukuhkan kedudukannya sebagai pelabuhan utama di Asia Tenggara. Dikatakan bahawa pelaut China seperti Laksamana Cheng Ho sering singgah di Melaka dalam misi pelayarannya, memperlihatkan betapa pentingnya Melaka dalam rangkaian diplomasi antarabangsa.
Salah satu keunikan Melaka adalah kebudayaannya yang kaya dan pelbagai. Sebagai tempat pertemuan pelbagai bangsa, Melaka menjadi titik pertembungan budaya yang menghasilkan tradisi, seni, dan makanan yang unik. Bahasa Melayu Melaka menjadi lingua franca di seluruh Nusantara, memudahkan komunikasi antara pedagang dari pelbagai latar belakang. Kebudayaan yang pelbagai ini tidak melemahkan identiti Melayu tetapi sebaliknya memperkukuhkannya, menjadikan Melaka model masyarakat kosmopolitan pada zamannya.
Kehebatan maritim Melaka juga tidak dapat disangkal. Armada laut Melaka adalah antara yang terkuat, dilengkapi dengan kapal-kapal besar seperti jong dan ghurab. Tentera laut Melaka memainkan peranan penting dalam melindungi pelabuhan dan memastikan keselamatan laluan perdagangan daripada ancaman lanun dan kuasa asing. MasyaAllah, strategi pertahanan Melaka yang bijak menjadikan ia benteng kukuh yang sukar digugat.
Namun, kejatuhan Melaka pada tahun 1511 ke tangan Portugis adalah detik hitam dalam sejarah Nusantara. Dengan senjata api dan teknologi perang moden, Portugis akhirnya menakluk Melaka. Walaupun demikian, kejatuhan ini tidak menghapuskan legasi kegemilangan Melaka. Kehebatan Kesultanan Melaka terus hidup dalam sejarah dan budaya Melayu hingga ke hari ini.
MasyaAllah, Kesultanan Melaka adalah simbol kebijaksanaan, kekuatan, dan inovasi bangsa Melayu. Ia mengajarkan kita bahawa dengan kepimpinan yang bijak dan usaha yang gigih, sebuah bangsa mampu menguasai ekonomi dan diplomasi dunia. Kisah Melaka bukan sahaja untuk dikenang tetapi untuk dijadikan inspirasi. Semoga semangat kegemilangan ini terus menyala dalam jiwa generasi muda, membangkitkan rasa bangga terhadap akar budaya dan warisan kita. MasyaAllah, inilah kisah tamadun kita yang mesti dipertahankan dan diwarisi!
___
Mazlan Syafie

Copy and paste:
12/2/2025 : 7.11 p.m

MALAY SEAFARERS IN LIVERPOOL

BY:TIM BUNNELL

Liverpool saw extremes of both prosperity and decline in a span of just two centuries Between the 18th and early 20th centuries, the British city on the northwestern coast of England, where the River Mersey meets the Irish Sea, was a major global trade and migration port. During the Industrial Revolution that took place from around 1760 to 1840, Liverpool’s role as the main gateway in the West for raw materials and finished goods, along with the ships that called there, were instrumental in developing Britain’s trading links with North and South America, West Africa, the Middle and Far East, and Australia.

At the end of the 19th century, Liverpool’s four major import trades – cotton, sugar, timber and grain – flourished and its dock force alone numbered 30,000. But in the last three decades of the 20th century, the one-time “world city” fell into economic decline, and by the early 1980s, unemployment rates in Liverpool were among the highest in the United Kingdom.

It is against this historical maritime backdrop that my research on Malay seamen in Liverpool takes place. In the mid-20th century, after World War II, men from the dispersed and ethnically diverse Malay world (or alam Melayu) of Southeast Asia worked as seafarers on British-owned and other merchant ships. At the time, Singapore was the hub for shipping networks in the Malay world and a key node in the global oceanic routes. Singapore was also home to the regional headquarters of the Ocean Steamship Company of Liverpool.

Between the 1940s and 60s, some of these Malay sailors settled in port cities in England and America, including London, Cardiff and New York. In Liverpool, most of the newly arrived seamen lived in the south docks area of the city, some eventually marrying British women and forming families. Several also opened their homes as lodging for visiting Malay seamen.

The Golden Age of Malay Liverpool

Hailing from Tanjung Keling on the outskirts of Malacca, Mohamed Nor Hamid (Mat Nor) first arrived in Liverpool in 1952 as a crew member on the Cingalese Prince. Soon after arrival, he was able to locate his uncle, Youp bin Baba (Ben Youp), and his family with the help of other Malay seamen residing in Liverpool.

Youp had married a local English woman and settled down at 144 Upper Huskisson Street. As it turned out, Youp was away at sea and the guest rooms in his house were occupied by other visiting Malay seamen. Fortunately, Mat Nor was able to find accommodation just next door at No. 142, in the home of fellow Malaccan, Nemit Bin Ayem from Purukalam Tigi, and his English wife Bridgit.

It is not difficult to understand why Malay seamen decided to use Liverpool as their home port in the two decades after World War II. Malays already working on the docks generally looked out for new arrivals from their homeland. Even those who slipped through this net and ended up at the Seamen’s Mission in Canning Place were often directed to 144 Upper Huskisson Street and other houses like it.

There was also no shortage of seafaring work during this time. Historian Jon Murden describes the period as a postwar economic “golden age” during which worldwide demand for Britain’s manufactured goods soared and Liverpool’s port and merchant marine served the rapidly expanding trade. This meant that there was a regular in-flow and through-flow of seafarers from British Malaya.

“We forget about all the life in Singapore, you know. That’s why most of the Malays stay here because it’s a happy life in Liverpool, very happy, very easy to get a job. Any time you want a ship you can get. They send the telegram to the house you see… sometimes three or four telegram come in a day.”

The telegrams invited men to the “pool” where they were able to apply for jobs on board ships, subject to passing a medical examination. Given the high demand for seafaring labour, even Malay men who were not British subjects experienced little difficulty in securing work.

A Malay Club on St James Road

Mat Nor recounted his arrival in Liverpool in 1952: “[F]irst time when I came here, we got no place; Malay people got no place.” What he meant was that there was no specifically “Malay place” at which he and his friends could comfortably socialise.

All this changed when the former seafarer Johan Awang, who had moved to Liverpool from New York City after World War II, opened a club for Malay seamen on St James Road in the mid-1950s. The Malay Club, as it came to be known, occupied the first floor of a house facing Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral. By that time, Johan Awang’s own home on 37 Greenland Street – a short walk from St James Road – was already well known to visiting as well as Liverpool-based Malay seamen.

The Malay Club had bunk beds for visiting seamen, a big backyard and a games room with a dartboard. There was also a prayer room on the second floor. Food was central to memories of the club and, more broadly, of Malay Liverpool during that period – the very mention of spicy Malay fare cooked for special occasions and gatherings would transport people whom I interviewed back to St James Road club of the 1950s.

At weekends, seamen took their children and wives to visit what was otherwise largely an adult male space. But the club became more than just a place for the Malay diaspora to meet: it was a place where seafarers, ex-seafarers and, to a lesser extent, their family members could be comfortable within their own skins.
Relocation to No. 7 Jermyn Street

In the 1960s, with the streets southwest of the Anglican Cathedral marked out for post-war redevelopment, a group of Liverpool-based Malay seamen pooled their resources to buy a house at No. 7 Jermyn Street, just off bustling Granby Street, in what is today known as the Liverpool 8 area of the city.

Surviving records reveal that an agreement was signed on 4 June 1963 to purchase the building from a Marjorie Josephine Steele for £1,500. A supplementary trust deed signed in 1974 names Abdul Salem and Bahazin Bin-Kassim as the trustees of the property.

Bahazin, who was born in Perak, Malaya, in 1924, became the first president of the club at its new location, and also assumed the all-important role of cook. As had been the case at St James Road, the clubhouse on Jermyn Street included a prayer room. However, Bahazin is remembered as having been less strict than Johan Awang with regard to the activities that could take place in the club.

Food was available during the fasting month of Ramadan, for example, and Bahazin would say that it was “between you and God” whether it was eaten or not. Bahazin bought the house next to the club – No. 5 – and lived there with his English wife. With Malay lodgers staying at both numbers 5 and 7, Jermyn Street became a place in Liverpool where it was always possible to find Malay banter and spicy food.

Overall, this was a happy and optimistic time for the Malay community in Liverpool. The city had become the “capital of the Malay Atlantic” and, in some ways, for many Liverpudilians, it felt like the centre of the world. In addition to ambitious municipal plans announced in the 1960s for a hypermodern Liverpool of the 21st century, exciting things were happening in its music scene – this was the birthplace of the wildly popular Beatles – and in the city’s football stadiums. The mid-1960s also saw an all-time record tonnage of cargo passing through the port. Jobs were still relatively easy to come by, at sea and onshore, including on the docks where Mat Nor worked.
A Place for Malays

The Malay Club – first at St James Road and then at Jermyn Street – played a significant part in making Liverpool a home away from home for seamen from the alam Melayu who had made the city their seafaring base. Through the Malay Club, visiting seamen were able to plug into the social networks of Liverpool’s small Malay community, which likely never exceeded more than a hundred. The club became the focal point for Malay seafaring visitors, seamen who based themselves in Liverpool, and men who had taken local “shore jobs”.

By the time the club moved to Jermyn Street in 1963, the ex-seamen who met and socialised there also included retired “elder statesmen” such as Ben Youp. Youp later moved into Bahazin’s house next door at 5 Jermyn Street and was a regular at the club in the early 1970s.

The children of Malay ex-seamen – who were born in England and never set foot in Southeast Asia – heard stories about what life was like on the other side of the world from interacting with their fathers’ friends at the club. With these social connections came gifts, gossip and news from home. Interestingly, one of the seamen kept a pet parrot at the club that had been taught to say Malay words such as makan (“eat”) as well as several rude words in English and Malay.
The End of an Era

By the 1960s, the Malay community had established its footing in Liverpool. However, the city’s commercial place in the world economy was undergoing profound change. Although few people realised it then, the Malay Club’s move from St James Road to Jermyn Street in 1963 was made during a time when the postwar golden age of British shipping had already passed.

It is unlikely that the club run by Bahazin on Jermyn Street received as many visiting seamen compared with the earlier location on St James Road – the 1950s, after all, had been a decade of shipping prosperity. Fewer ships arrived in Liverpool in the subsequent decades, bringing fewer new Malay seafarers to sustain the community that had come to call the city home.

In contrast, the number of Malaysian students arriving in Liverpool began to increase. In the 1970s, as part of the aggressive economic development plans pushed by the Malaysian government, hundreds of young Malays were sent to Britain to study. Liverpool was one of the cities that received undergraduate scholarship students, although it never saw the same numbers of Malay (and other Malaysian) students as it had visiting Malay seamen in the previous decades. Even so, the arrival of these students gave the Malay Club a new lease of life.

Abdul Rahim Daud was one of only two Malay students from Malaysia who began studies at Liverpool University in 1970. He recalls that by his final year, the numbers were much greater, but also that he enjoyed visiting ex-seafarers at No. 7 Jermyn Street:

“Last time there’s no internet, phone also, no mobile so say like as if total bye-bye to your parents, to your kampong [home village]. So you feel like homesick so that’s why I used to go very often to the Malay Club so at least see them, meet them, at least I feel a reduced homesick a little bit.”

By this time, Liverpool was no longer the thriving city and maritime port it once had been. Granby Street, near the Malay Club’s second home in the Liverpool 8 district, had been a busy commercial thoroughfare in the 1960s. In the following decade, however, the area became synonymous with “inner-city” social and economic problems arising in part from Liverpool’s diminished position in the national and international arena. Media coverage of the infamous street disturbances in Liverpool in the 1980s marked the city on national mental maps as the “new Harlem of Liverpool”, and it came to be seen as the epitome of British post-imperial and post-industrial urban decline.
A Place for Malays

The Malay Club – first at St James Road and then at Jermyn Street – played a significant part in making Liverpool a home away from home for seamen from the alam Melayu who had made the city their seafaring base. Through the Malay Club, visiting seamen were able to plug into the social networks of Liverpool’s small Malay community, which likely never exceeded more than a hundred. The club became the focal point for Malay seafaring visitors, seamen who based themselves in Liverpool, and men who had taken local “shore jobs”.

By the time the club moved to Jermyn Street in 1963, the ex-seamen who met and socialised there also included retired “elder statesmen” such as Ben Youp. Youp later moved into Bahazin’s house next door at 5 Jermyn Street and was a regular at the club in the early 1970s.

The children of Malay ex-seamen – who were born in England and never set foot in Southeast Asia – heard stories about what life was like on the other side of the world from interacting with their fathers’ friends at the club. With these social connections came gifts, gossip and news from home. Interestingly, one of the seamen kept a pet parrot at the club that had been taught to say Malay words such as makan (“eat”) as well as several rude words in English and Malay.
The End of an Era

By the 1960s, the Malay community had established its footing in Liverpool. However, the city’s commercial place in the world economy was undergoing profound change. Although few people realised it then, the Malay Club’s move from St James Road to Jermyn Street in 1963 was made during a time when the postwar golden age of British shipping had already passed.

It is unlikely that the club run by Bahazin on Jermyn Street received as many visiting seamen compared with the earlier location on St James Road – the 1950s, after all, had been a decade of shipping prosperity. Fewer ships arrived in Liverpool in the subsequent decades, bringing fewer new Malay seafarers to sustain the community that had come to call the city home.

In contrast, the number of Malaysian students arriving in Liverpool began to increase. In the 1970s, as part of the aggressive economic development plans pushed by the Malaysian government, hundreds of young Malays were sent to Britain to study. Liverpool was one of the cities that received undergraduate scholarship students, although it never saw the same numbers of Malay (and other Malaysian) students as it had visiting Malay seamen in the previous decades. Even so, the arrival of these students gave the Malay Club a new lease of life.

Abdul Rahim Daud was one of only two Malay students from Malaysia who began studies at Liverpool University in 1970. He recalls that by his final year, the numbers were much greater, but also that he enjoyed visiting ex-seafarers at No. 7 Jermyn Street:

“Last time there’s no internet, phone also, no mobile so say like as if total bye-bye to your parents, to your kampong [home village]. So you feel like homesick so that’s why I used to go very often to the Malay Club so at least see them, meet them, at least I feel a reduced homesick a little bit.”

By this time, Liverpool was no longer the thriving city and maritime port it once had been. Granby Street, near the Malay Club’s second home in the Liverpool 8 district, had been a busy commercial thoroughfare in the 1960s. In the following decade, however, the area became synonymous with “inner-city” social and economic problems arising in part from Liverpool’s diminished position in the national and international arena. Media coverage of the infamous street disturbances in Liverpool in the 1980s marked the city on national mental maps as the “new Harlem of Liverpool”, and it came to be seen as the epitome of British post-imperial and post-industrial urban decline.

This essay contains extracts from the book From World City to the World in One City: Liverpool Through Malay Lives (2016) by Tim Bunnell. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, it retails at major bookshops, and is also available for reference and loan at the Lee Kong Chian Reference Library and selected public libraries

Tim Bunnell is Professor in the Department of Geography at the National University of Singapore. His research focuses on urban development in Southeast Asia and the region’s connections with other parts of the world. Bunnell’s book, From World City to the World in One City: Liverpool Through Malay Lives, was published in 2016.

NOTES
  1. Sykes, O., et al. (2013). A city profile of Liverpool. Cities, 35, 299–318. Retrieved from ResearchGate. 
  2. National Museums Liverpool. (2018). The port of Liverpool. Information Sheet 34, Maritime Archives & Library. Retrieved from National Museums Liverpool website. 
  3. Bunnell, T. (2007). Post-maritime transnationalization: Malay seafarers in Liverpool. Global Networks, 7 (4), 412–429. Retrieved from ScholarBank@NUS. 
  4. The area around what was once Upper Huskisson Street is today Liverpool Women’s Hospital. The electoral register for 1950 includes Ben Youp and his wife, Priscilla, living at 144 Upper Huskisson Street, as well as three other Malay men. 
  5. Murden, J. (2006). City of change and challenge: Liverpool since 1945 (pp. 393–485). In J. Belchem (Ed.), Liverpool 800: Culture, character and history (p. 402). Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. (Not available in NLB holdings) 
  6. Interview with Mohamed Nor Hamid, Liverpool, 10 September 2004. 
  7. This rosy scenario contrasts sharply with the experiences of seamen in the pre-war period. Given inferior rates of pay for seamen signing on overseas, foreign seamen settled in Britain “in the hope of obtaining better pay and conditions”. [See May, R., & Cohen, R. (1974). The interaction between race and colonialism: A case study of the Liverpool race riots of 1919. Race and Class, 16 (2), 111–26, p. 118.] However, a racially hierarchical labour market, both at sea and on land, left “coloured” people extremely vulnerable during economic downturns. 
  8. Interview with Mohamed Nor Hamid, Liverpool, 6 October 2004. 
  9. From its inception, the club articulated social connections with other Atlantic maritime centres – particularly New York, which had a Malay Club of its own from 1954 – and with British colonial territories, especially in the Malay world. 
  10. Bahazin first appears in the Registry of Shipping and Seamen as “Bahazim bin Said”, but changed his name by deed poll in 1963. BT 372/1578/1. 
  11. Bunnell, T. (2016). From world city to the world in one city: Liverpool through Malay lives. Chichester, West Sussex, UK; Malden, MA, USA: John Wiley & Sons Ltd. (Call no. RSING 305.89928042753 BUN) 
  12. In terms of music, it was not only the Beatles but also the wider Merseybeat phenomenon that made Liverpool “a source of wonder to the world”. See Du Noyer, P. (2007). Liverpool: Wondrous place, from the cavern to the capital of culture (p. 84). London: Virgin Books. (Not available in NLB holdings) In football, during the 1960s, Bill Shankly managed the Liverpool Football Club to unprecedented success. 
  13. Interview with Abdul Rahim Daud, Kuala Lumpur, 6 November 2008. 
  14. A. Ghani Nasir. (1979, October 21). Kampung Melayu di Bandar Liverpool [The Malay village in the city of Liverpool]. Berita Harian, p. 3. Retrieved from NewspaperSG. 
Copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 7.04 p.m

WOMEN IN THE GEOGRAPHY OF LIVERPOOL'S MALAY SEAMAN


Tim Bunnell, guest contributor to this blog, is the author of From World City to the World in One City: Liverpool through Malay Lives, 2016 (https://tinyurl.com/Malay-Liverpool). He is a Professor in the Department of Geography at the National University of Singapore.

'Why did Malay ex-seafarers like you settle in Liverpool and other British port cities in 1940s, 50s and 60s?' I asked Mat Nor, the president of Liverpool’s Malay club.
He gave an unequivocal answer: 'Women!'
That may not be surprising to readers of this blog.
But in 2004 I was only at the beginning of my 'Malay Routes' research project on historical seafaring connections between the great imperial port city on the Mersey, and British Malaya plus neighbouring parts of Southeast Asia.
Mat Nor’s response importantly nudged me away from any simple economistic idea that Malays were there for work in Merseyside’s 1950s mini Golden Age.
Mat Nor (Mohamed Nor Hamid), who’d arrived in 1952, age 19, was adamant:'I don’t care what the people say, all the Malays stay in Liverpool through women.'

Intimate relations developed into more permanent liaisons in many other port cities.But Mat Nor was convinced that there was something particularly 'powerful' about women in Liverpool.
Some of Mat Nor’s contemporaries estimated that there were 'hundreds' of Malay seamen in the city in the 1950s. That may have been an exaggeration but certainly Liverpool was home to more Malay seamen at that time than any other British port.

FROM MALACCA TO TOXTETH (LIVERPOOL 8)
Originally from a coastal village outside Malacca, Mat Nor had arrived as a sailor on the Cingalese Prince. The Furness Withy cargo ship was typically crewed by a mix of British, Indian and Malay crew from Topass to Bhandary, Quarter Master to Cassab.

From the docks Mat Nor headed straight to the house of his uncle Ben Youp in Toxteth (or what locals today refer to as “Liverpool 8”). Ben Youp had married a local woman, Priscilla. Mat Nor hoped to stay with them.

As it turned out, Ben Youp was away at sea and the household-cum-lodgings that Priscilla headed at 144 Upper Huskisson Street was full. Mat Nor was able to stay next door at number 142 with another Malacca man who had also married locally.
Mat Nor became part of the next generation of Malay seamen to marry and settle down in the Liverpool 8 area. He and Margaret Lacey married in May 1959 and they were still living at 142 Upper Huskisson Street – the area today occupied by the Liverpool Women’s Hospital – when their first child was born.
The family eventually moved to Wendell Street, off Smithdown Road in Liverpool 8.
Like so many seafarers, having a wife and children led Mat Nor to stop working at sea. He subsequently became a crane driver on the docks.

A CLUB MOSTLY FOR SEAMEN

By this time in the mid-1960s, a Malay club was up and running in another part of Liverpool 8. Malay seafarers pooled contributions to buy a house on Jermyn Street as their new clubhouse after an earlier club run by Johan Awang had closed down.
For the most part, the new club at 7 Jermyn Street was a male space – where locally-based and visiting Malay men met to socialize. But some Liverpool-based men took their children along to visit, especially at weekends.

The club was also used as a venue for parties during special occasions. At new year and at hari raya (a celebration at the end of the Muslim fasting month), wives and girlfriends made the club into more than merely a male space.

The first president of the club was Bahazin Bin-Kassim from Kuala Kangsar, Malaya. He married a local woman, Jean, and they lived next door to the club at number 5 Jermyn Street with their son.
The family also took in Malay lodgers, both resident ex-seamen and visiting seafarers. Among them was Ben Youp who outlived Priscilla and became a regular fixture at the club.

Until it closed in 2008 Jermyn Street thus became the centre of Liverpool’s increasingly dispersed Malay community, comprising not just (ex) seafaring Malay men, but also their local children, girlfriends, wives and widows.

‘LOCAL’ WIVES
Female partners of Liverpool-based Malay men had varying degrees of local historical attachment and belonging. Some, such as ‘Filipina Alice’ clearly had far-flung ancestral connections of their own.

Alice welcomed Malay seafarers to her house on Greenland Street even before her husband, Johan Awang, opened Liverpool’s first formal Malay club (the precursor to 7 Jermyn Street).
Visiting Malays enjoyed fragrant spicy chicken made with fresh-killed hens from the backyard of Alice and Johan’s home.
Some of the white women who made Liverpool an attractive place for Malay men to sojourn or settle were also members of cosmopolitan dockside communities.

These were English, Irish or Scottish women who would happily go to the Locarno and Rialto ballrooms despite the huge stigma that elsewhere was attached to any woman seen with a man with darker skin.
Women from other parts of Liverpool who entered into 'interracial unions' with men from Malaya (as with men from China, Somalia, the Caribbean or West Africa[ii]) effectively entered another social world in the city, although they did not usually convert to Islam.
They were hitching their fortunes to someone othered racially, culturally and (in the case of Muslim Malays) in terms of religion.
So the seemingly straightforward term ‘local wife’ obscures the significance of the journey that some women took in marrying a Muslim Malay seafarer or having his children.
Priscilla and Ben Youp’s daughter Joan found out little about how her parents met except that they were married after just six weeks of a 'whirlwind romance'.
Their decision resulted in Priscilla Youp being disowned by her (white) Protestant parents. Priscilla’s journey into non-white and not necessarily Christian 'other Liverpool' was one from which there was no return.

PULANG
In contrast to these wives, some of the seafaring Malay men who had traveled thousands of nautical miles from the Malay World region in Southeast Asia to form local families in Singapore did get to go back home (pulang).
After ‘Filipina Alice’ died in Liverpool in the late 1970s, for example, her widower, Johan, moved back to Malacca, where he passed away.
Ben Youp did not return to Malacca as a widower when Priscilla died. However, their Liverpudlian children and grandchildren sustained postal connections with Youp’s extended family in Malacca for decades before ever setting foot in Malaysia.
Mat Nor was among the younger generation of Malay ex-seamen who visited Malaysia regularly while remaining based in Liverpool. His first trip back, together with his wife, Margaret, and their four children was to visit Mat Nor’s elderly mother in Malacca in 1978. Other Liverpool Malay seamen had left behind not only their mothers, but also wives and children.

Kahbir Bjatia’s highly acclaimed 2018 Malay language movie, Pulang, (pictured) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eiFWYHLz5ok) is based on the true life story of a 1960s seafarer whose wife and four year old son remained in Malacca.
He died in Liverpool without her.
“Left behind” children and spouses are an important social and economic phenomenon in their own right.
Today many Southeast Asian people who travel overseas for work leave behind husbands and children.
While seamen from Indonesia and the Philippines continue to be in demand globally they are greatly outnumbered by female domestic workers.

PUTTING WOMEN AND OTHER MEN IN THE PICTURE

Women came to feature much more prominently in my research than I had envisaged.This partly corrected my initial male-centred framing, although the lives of the women and children of Malay Liverpool are clearly deserving of further scholarly attention.Perhaps someone reading this guest blog entry will be inspired to delve further into that.

However, is there something else that should be made visible, to unsettle the normative idea of seafarers’ homosociality and heterosexuality?

The two principal characters in the 1998 film about Malay mobility, Dari Jemapoh ke Manchester, (https://iffr.com/en/1999/films/from-jemapoh-to-manchester) hint at latent homosexuality.
Mafiz is in search of his seafaring father whose last contact with rural Jemapoh was a postcard sent from Liverpool in the 1960s.
Yadi clearly has a crush on the superstar Manchester United footballer, George Best, and becomes jealous of the female friends that Mafiz makes as they try to make their way to England.
The implication of this, of course, is that there were surely also some seamen from Southeast Asia who stayed in Liverpool because of other men.

Tim Bunnell, January 2019.
http://profile.nus.edu.sg/fass/geotgb/stf_geotgb.htm

Copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 4.35 p.m


TIM BUNNELL : From World City to the World in One City: Liverpool through Malay Lives

SOURCE: PACIFIC AFFAIRS

The main title of this fascinating book comes from the fact that Liverpool was already known as a “world city” in the late 1880s, although, as author Tim Bunnell points out, it wasn’t to be found in academic debates on “world cities” taking place a century later. With “hundreds” of Malayan seamen said to be living in the city of Liverpool (or specific parts of it) in the 1950s, our attention is immediately drawn to the multi-ethnic nature of the UK population, contradicting those scholars who hold that Britain has become a multi-racial society only in recent years. While much has been written on the role of empire in shaping metropolitan spaces, “very little … of that work has focused on the agency of colonial peoples in imperial cities” (8). Bunnell intends to rectify this. The rest of the book’s title, “The world in one city,” has now been officially adopted by Liverpool city as a marketing device.

The book focuses on the Malay ex-seamen and others who met at Liverpool’s Malay Club for over half a century. In particular, it examines the maritime linkages that made the Malay Club possible and also provided the main informants for the author’s investigative interviews conducted at the club between 2004 and 2008. These were the men who were part of the long-distance social networks, sailing the sea lanes and oceans linking one-time imperial Liverpool to the world region of Southeast Asia. In the early years of the author’s research there were perhaps only twenty ex-seamen still remaining, mainly in their eighties and nineties, so that in most cases Bunnell had to rely on prompted memories for much of his information.

From them, we learn of the various shipping companies registered in Liverpool in colonial times: the Blue Tunnel Line headquartered in Singapore, the Straits Steamship Company, the Prince’s Line, and other British companies, including those of prominent Liverpool ship owner, Alfred Holt, playing a key role in world commerce.

Malay seamen working for these and other companies came from the villages behind Kuala Lumpur or Singapore and were generally Muslim. They filled the roles of cook, fireman, quartermaster, bosun, and others, in some cases with as many as thirty working on a ship, knowing the routes and the routine. Malays, Mahrattas, Burmese, Siamese, Cingalese, were lumped together as lascars and, when not at sea, with their families occupied the ethnically segregated areas of Britain’s ports: Glasgow, Liverpool, Cardiff. The younger men could be seeking adventure in Australia or a place where they could jump ship. One of the more lucrative journeys for the shipping companies was the carriage of haji passengers in Liverpool-registered ships to the port of Jeddah, passing through Singapore twice (both outward and return journeys), taking their once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimages. According to Bunnell, such journeys formed a significant portion of the shipping companies’ income.

From the 1970s, the number of seamen using the club declined, increasingly outnumbered by the grandchildren and families of ex-seamen (some without indigenous language skills). With its rapid economic growth and expanding economy, the Malaysian government looked to educate its professional class outside the country so that, with an increased number of government scholarships available to study in Liverpool, university and other students increasingly took over the club, outnumbering the old seafarers. For the new arrivals, the Malay Club then became a place where children learned to be Malay.

There are many interesting themes in this occasionally dense and theoretical text, some of them pursued more deeply than others. Social networks, linkages, webs and “worlds of connection” figure frequently. Bunnell is a geographer who moves easily through different social, spatial, and political spaces and different divisions of labour: local, national, transnational, imperial, postimperial, postnational, supranational, etc. The political processes of Merdeka (independence) and Malaysianization are not mentioned in my review, though reports of ex-seamen seeing vessels in Liverpool belonging to the Malaysian International Shipping Corporation left vivid memories and impressions on the memories of many of the Malay ex-seamen.

Fluent in his subjects’ language, the author is clearly conscious of his own place in the fieldwork process; he is equally aware of the way his gender position may be affecting his interviewing, or how his own knowledge of what he is investigating influences what he records.

Bunnell has valuable comments to make on the subject of comparative studies, illustrated here with reference to the symbolic functions of buildings and comparing Liverpool’s Manhattan-inspired Royal Liver Building—in 1911 the tallest building in Europe and known as “the first British skyscraper”—with the Petronas Twin Towers in Kuala Lumpur (1990s), the tallest twin towers building in the world. Or again, when comparing Shanghai’s Bund waterfront with Liverpool’s Pier Head. Both looked to New York City for their models of modernity.

Not the least impressive aspect of the book is the very comprehensive forty-page index. Yet surprisingly, this doesn’t refer to one of the most advanced institutions in modern imperial governance, of critical importance in the long run to maritime service. I refer here to Liverpool’s School of Tropical Medicine, established a year before the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. This is not to detract from what is an impressive, theoretically sophisticated, and methodologically challenging book which certainly succeeds in meeting the author’s intention of drawing attention to “yet another of (Liverpool’s) ethnocultural groups” (22). The study is based on an extensive bibliography, archives, and participant observation in Liverpool, Malaysia, and Singapore, and interviews with some twenty remaining Malay ex-seamen. It will be of interest, amongst others, to researchers in world/global cities, and relational geography.


Anthony D. King
Binghamton University SUNY, Vestal, USA

Copy and paste:

12/2/2025: 2.02 p.m

COMING HOME AT LAST

SOURCE: THE SUN

A RECENT private screening of Primeworks Studios’ latest film Pulang has its chief executive officer, Ahmad Izham Omar, and his father, Omar Othman, in tears. The story is something very close to their hearts.

Pulang is inspired by my grandfather’s life,” explains the 49-year-old Ahmad, who says his grandfather, Othman Alias, was a poor fisherman from Malacca.
Determined to give a better life to his wife and son, he took up a job as a sailor on a British merchant ship and sailed around the world. Though Othman promised to return home, he never did.
“My father was only 11 years old when his father left,” recalls Ahmad, who co-wrote the screenplay with screenwriter Mira Mustaffa (Nur kasih: The MovieAnak Merdeka).
“But my father never stopped loving my grandfather. He never stopped telling me stories about my grandfather.”
Ahmad says his father managed to track down his grandfather in England, in the city of Liverpool, in the 1960s. Unfortunately, he failed to bring Othman back to Malaysia.
In 2008, the then 39-year-old Ahmad decided to track down his grandfather, as he wanted to know why Othman never returned home.
Also, as Ahmad says, “when you get older, you want to get close to your roots, your heritage and your family”.
So did he meet his grandfather? Did he find the answers he was looking for?
With a laugh, Ahmad says: “You have to watch the film to get the answers.”
Actor Remy Ishak plays Ahmad’s grandfather Othman, while popular TV actor Azrel Ismail makes his film debut as Ahmad’s father, Omar.
Playing Ahmad himself is Singapore-born actor Erwin Dawson.
Directed by Kabir Bhatia and made with a budget of RM6 million, Pulang will hit cinemas nationwide on July 26.
The film is set in various locations including Malacca, Hong Kong, Okinawa, Jeju Island and Liverpool.
When asked what was his biggest challenge bringing the story to the big screen, Kabir says: “The film spans from the 1940s to 2010, and I have to make sure I am historically correct, especially with the setting.”

Kabir and his team looked at pictures from 1940s, and used CGI (computer generated imagery) to recreate the settings. Some quarters have labelled Pulang as Ahmad’s ‘syok sendiri’ (vanity) project, and accused him of abusing his power to get the film made.

But Ahmad dismissed the notion. “This is not just my story,” he says. “This is a story about our country, too. I am telling a part of our history that has been forgotten.”
While researching the past for this story, he learned that in the 40s, many Malay men left their families behind to work as seamen on merchant ships plying the oceans.
“The captains of these merchant ships liked hiring Malays because they made better seamen,” ahamd says.
“I wanted to show that our ancestors had travelled and seen the world ... and it is about time for us to be proud of them.”

His research included reading Tim Bunnell’s book, From World City to the World in One City: Liverpool through Malay Lives.
Bunnell, an associate professor in the Department of Geography at the National University of Singapore, traced the migration of Malay sailors from Singapore and Malaya who settled in England during the 1950s and 60s.

On the message of the film, Ahmad says: “Life may give you interesting adventures. But your adventures means nothing if you have no family to come home to.”
Lead actor Remy (above) also believes the film highlights the importance of family.
The actor confessed that he initially had a hostile relationship with his own father.
“I came from a broken family,” he says. “My parents divorced when I was 13. My father was an army man, and he was very strict with me. I did not like him. I was distant from him.”
Remy was totally captivated by the script and the depictions of the relationship between a father and his son, and the relationship between a grandfather and grandson, touched his heart.
It eventually pushed Remy to reconcile with his own estranged father, and now both father and son share a warm relationship.
“Sometimes, a good script can make you a better man,” Remy says.

Copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 1.55 p.m

Postcard from Zaharah: An old sailor remembers

Primeworks Studios chief executive officer Datuk Ahmad Izham and his father, Omar, looking at old photographs of Othman and the wife he left behind to be a sailor. PIX BY ZAHARAH OTHMAN

By: Zaharah Othman
22 July 2018

WE were standing along the railings fronting the Mersey River; Pak Cik Md Nor Hamid and I, attempting to sing Ferry Cross the Mersey by Gerry & The Pacemakers. We gave up after a few attempts, much to the amusement of the young documentary crew from Malaysia who came to Liverpool to document the former British Merchant Navy sailor’s life in conjunction with the screening of the movie, Pulang, by Kabir Bhatia.

Not too far away from us stood a grim reminder; a monument with columns and columns of names of Merchant Navy sailors who did not make it home. They had died at sea during World War 2.

Among those names are rows of names unmistakeably from the Malay world.

Young Malay sailors hungry for adventure had worked on many British Merchant Navy ships plying the high seas in the 1940s and 1950s.

The writer and an ex-British Merchant Navy ship sailor Md Nor Hamid at the memorial displaying names of Malay sailors who died at sea during the war.

Pak Cik Md Nor Hamid, now 85, was one of them and he is one of the last few remaining former sailors who is still standing, so to speak, to tell the stories of his adventures at sea and talk about those who made the ports of Britain their home.

I met Pak Cik Md Nor in the early 1990s and several more times after that, in my quest to meet as many Malay sailors as possible to document their life stories. Many had since passed on.

Earlier, in the hotel where I was staying, I showed him old pictures of some of the former sailors I had interviewed and he remembered them — nicknames and all, which ships they had sailed in, what pranks they were up to; all jaw-dropping, belly-clutching stuff that had us roaring with laughter. One particular incident was when he stood in awe looking at the Statue of Liberty.

Remembering a friend’s advice, the naïve young lad from Tanjung Keling, Malacca, looked around him, and when no one was watching, gave a salute.

He was told by his friends that it was customary to give a salute when one first visited the statue. I bet his friends too were hiding somewhere and rolling on the floor laughing!

Pak Cik Md Nor, who left after a stint at Jalan Ampas Studios in Singapore working as an assistant cameraman, remembered them all. When he came to Liverpool in December 1952, he remembered meeting an older Malay sailor by the name of Othman Haji Alias, a sailor from Serkam.

“Oh, we called him Othman Aji, he lived above the butcher’s shop!” he said, coming round to the story that brought us to Liverpool.

The feature film, Pulang, started as an idea by Primeworks Studios chief executive officer Datuk Ahmad Izham Omar, who happened to be the grandson of the old sailor who left his wife and
5-year-old son, to work on board one of the British Merchant Navy ships.

The son, Omar, who was studying in London in the 1960s, came searching and found his father who had by then, stopped sailing. He was in Liverpool.

“I believe he stopped sailing because he was always suffering from asthma,” said Pak Cik Md Nor who remembered meeting Omar too.

He also recalled that the older sailor had lived in Colombo, as sailors often did, stopping anywhere that took their fancy before jumping on to another ship for another spot of adventure.

Pak Cik Md Nor must have met many people who contacted him when searching for their long-lost relatives.

“I have their names here,” he said, pulling out several pieces of paper from his pocket.

“The problem is, many changed their names and used Christian names because locals found it difficult to pronounce Malay names,” he explained. This is indeed one of the reasons many couldn’t be tracked down.

“I brought many of them here and some stood there with tears in their eyes when they recognised some of the names,” said Pak Cik Md Nor again, when we stood at the memorial, not far from the office where sailors would sign on for the next ship.

Othman, thankfully, for all his travels never changed his name and towards the last few years, he dutifully sent postcards to his son Omar, who was still in school.

Omar was in Form Three when he received the first postcard from Tokyo. But there was no address.

More postcards arrived from places Othman’s ships had docked, still no address, Omar told me when I met him in his house in Petaling Jaya last May.

Pak Cik Md Nor gleefully nodded in agreement at this habit of old sailors moving around settling in different ports. Although he stayed put until today because he met an Irish lady called Margaret who later became his wife, taking the Muslim name Zubaidah.

“I never returned home until after 25 years, although I kept sending money to my mother,” remembered the former sailor whose story about being swept out of his ship by a strong wave and swept back in again by another wave, became a mandatory story to tell when talking about old sailors.

“Yes, life was fun as a sailor, you only think about your parents when there were storms at sea,” he said as we walked back from the seafront to the car.

The life story of the assistant cameraman who turned stuntman or extra in the 1950s movie Antara Senyum dan Tangis with the late Tan Sri P. Ramlee and later as a sailor, has all the ingredients of a blockbuster waiting to be made.

For now, he is happy that the son of a relative, Remy Ishak, is playing the lead role in Pulang.

He is happy to share his stories that will fill the void and gaps in the memories of relatives of old sailors who never returned.

As to whether Othman returned, all will be revealed when the movie hits the big screens in Malaysia on Thursday (July 26).


Copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 1.18 p.m


MALACCA CITY

SUMBER: GAHAR MELAYU

Regarding the physical characteristics of Malacca, European sources are basically in agreement. The ports are described as better and safer than the ports in Singapore. No ship on board has ever been lost by a storm, and the harbor is easily accessible, especially from the west. The city sits on a small river estuary and the surrounding area is not productive despite dense forest vegetation and lush. Malacca has a good supply of water and delicious fruits (grapes, chestnuts, figs, durians, and other fruits), but most other foods have to come by sea from abroad.
Although the soil is not fertile, it produces valuable wood, gold, and lead. Wildlife in abundance, (Castanheda) reports that the city is divided into two by a river flattened by a connecting bridge. In the southern part of the city, the king and his royalty lived and here is also the main mosque. On the north side of the river live the merchants. The houses in the administrative and commercial sections of the city are built of wood and stone.
Traders came to Malacca from all over the world, but nobody stayed there longer than necessary because the climate, albeit moderate, was reported hot, humid and unhealthy for natives and foreigners alike. Apparently the only Portuguese permanently living in Malacca during the sixteenth century were some soldiers guarding the fortress, crown officials, and the occasional priests and missionaries.
The city's cosmopolitan population includes merchants and sailors from all countries between Arabia and China, both Moors, Jews, and infidels. Mainly many are Gujarat Muslims from Cambay, Kling Tribes of Bengal on the east coast of India, Javanese men, Chinese and Japanese.
The Siamese tribe, because of their political differences with the Sultans of Malacca, is not clearly visible. When Albuquerque took over the city, two powerful Javanese communities resided in Malacca that controlled the rice trade with their homeland. The stronger group lives on the northwest side of the river in (Upeh) and others on the southeast side in (Hilir).
The Portuguese nation had quite a hard time controlling this wealthy group of Javanese traders and eventually expelled them from the city. Many Javanese seafarers lived with their families on their ships and never went ashore unless for trade. The Javanese tribe, during Barbosa's time, clearly controlled most of the shipments between Malacca and the islands, including the Spice Islands. Apparently, the Javanese are also known in Malacca because of their tendency to rage when caught quite, the Moors and the Javanese were clearly the destroyers of Malacca as far as the Portuguese. With other foreign groups, particularly Chinese and Indians, Portuguese, except for the occasional incidents, usually have peaceful and beneficial relations. Hindu traders are very friendly with the Portuguese and help them gain an understanding of the business practices that apply.
For Europeans, Malacca's natives are "white," proportional stature, and authoritative. Men usually wear cotton clothes (sarfs) that only cover their bodies from the waist down, but some more dignified men wear short silk coats, "like Cairo style," on which they carry daggers called keris. Their women, who are olive-skinned, beautiful, and brown, usually wear "fine silk dresses and short shirts.... " No one but a king can wear the colour yellow without a special permit with the threat of death penalty. The face of the native is wide with a wide nose and round eyes. Both genders are polite and fans of any form of classy entertainment, especially music, ballads and poetry.
The rich live the life to the fullest in their rural homes in Bertam surrounded by abundant fruit orchards. Most of them have separate business places in the city where they run business. They are especially fond of developing the art of sex and war. They get easily offended and won't let anyone touch them.. -
-----------'
Varthema for comments ... One of the Venetians who gave information to Viaggi fatti alla Tana (1543) from his experiences in India noted that the Malacca people were small and reddish, wore long black turbans, fought with deadly poisonous arrows, paid tributes in the form of cloves to Portugal, and bought porcelain from China.
-head or shoulders. Often malicious and dishonest, they pride themselves on their ability to wield dexterity against their personal enemies. In bigger battles, they fought in groups with bows and arrows, spears and kris.
In their belief, they were faithful Moors. Their so-called language Malay" is reported to be the most polite and polite language in the whole East. "The language is easy to learn by foreigners, and is the language of communication for all regions." And, at this point it is interesting to remember that (Pigafetta) has supplied a brief vocabulary to Europe of Malay commercial terms that are republished and widely available through its inclusion in the Ramusio collection (1550). When Savier was in Malacca in 1545, he translated very difficult into Malay the Ten Commandments of Allah, the General Confession, and other chapters of faith. The following year he wrote to European fathers from Ambon the following:
Malay language, which is used in Malacca, is very common throughout this region.... It is a great handicap on these islands that they have no writings, and know only a little about writings; and the language they used was Malay and the alphabets were Arabic, which the Moor preachers taught them to write and is still taught to them to this day. Before they became Moors, they did not know how to write.
While European writers without exception comment on the importance of Malacca in the international world, they don't talk much about the conditions across the Malay Peninsula. They explained that Pahang, as well as the two Sumatian empires, were followers of Malacca and that the remaining states of the peninsula continued to be submissive to the governors of Siamese. While trading is occasionally mentioned in other ports on the east and west coast, not much has been said about conditions there. Except for Malacca, Barros insists, the entire west coast has nothing but forests, marshes and a few fishing villages. The wild animals in the countryside, including large and wild animals, are so ferocious that people sleep at night in the tallest trees and build huge bonfires to drive away the tigers. Even the cities themselves are sometimes invaded by tigers roaming everywhere.....

copy and paste:
12/2/2025: 1.04 p.m